By tilting to the right, Simon Harris wants to undercut the temptation of more radical votes. There will be help for farmers and small businesses but to really address voter anger, the new taoiseach will need to confront housing.
Housing demand has shifted over the past decade, and yet a large premium still exists for Dublin homes. Remote working may have changed the equilibrium but it won’t make our city housing deficit disappear.
US voters obsess about the stock market because their pension depends on it, just like Irish ones do about house prices. The political consequences are dire.
Despite progress in construction output over recent years, there is still a real need for new rental homes across the country, not just in the big population centres but also in smaller provincial towns. Can Ireland deliver them?
The original Glenveagh model was about building city apartment blocks for institutional investors, along with suburban houses. The new one relies more on houses, and partnering with the State.
Dublin City Council has refused planning permission for central hotel developments on the grounds that they’re not needed in the areas, missing the point that failure to build hotel rooms puts renewed pressure on existing housing stocks.
To build 50,000 homes per year, enormous amounts of capital will have to be found each and every year. Here are the options.
What Ireland needs over the next three decades is the exact opposite of what it has had for the last one: a system that can deliver homes at huge scale, and that can adapt as conditions change.
Ryanair is only the most prominent example of firms buying up lands and estates to help their workers. Should the State follow suit with a key worker plan?
As a young, small and fast-growing economy, Ireland has relied on foreign investors to fund its growth. The model is changing now. Is the Government capable of stepping in?
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